India remains the world’s largest arms importer, comprising 9.8% of global imports during 2019-2023, despite the government”s continuous efforts to build a robust defense-industrial foundation, which have led to a slight downturn in direct foreign acquisitions. According to the latest data on international arms transfers by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), India”s arms imports saw a 4.7% uptick between 2014-2018 and 2019-2023.
The surge in emergency procurements from nations such as Russia, France, the US, and Israel, driven by the ongoing four-year military standoff with China, plays a significant role in this trend. Although Russia remains India”s primary weapons provider, constituting 36% of its arms imports, its overall contribution has been gradually diminishing as India diversifies its sources toward Western nations and indigenous suppliers.
SIPRI highlighted that the period from 2019-2023 marked the first five-year span since 1960-1964 where deliveries from the Soviet Union/Russia accounted for less than half of India”s arms imports, with Russian exports to India experiencing a 34% decline between 2014-2018 and 2019-2023.
France holds a 33% share of India”s imports, followed by the US at 13%. Both France and the US are poised to sign contracts with India later this year. These agreements encompass the direct acquisition of 31 armed MQ9B Sky Guardian drones from the US for $3.9 billion, alongside 26 Rafale-M fighters from France estimated at $6 billion.
Among the top arms importers, India leads the pack, followed by Saudi Arabia (8.4%), Qatar (7.6%), Ukraine (4.9%), Pakistan (4.3%), Japan (4.1%), Egypt (4%), Australia (3.7%), South Korea (3.1%), and China (2.9%). Conversely, the top 10 arms exporters comprise the US (42%), France (11%), Russia (11%), China (5.8%), Germany (5.6%), Italy (4.3%), UK (3.7%), Spain (2.7%), Israel (2.4%), and South Korea (2%).
While the US saw its overall share increase by 17% between 2014-2018 and 2019-2023, Russia witnessed a decline of 53%, enabling France to surpass it in arms trade dominance.
India stands out as the foremost arms client for France, Russia, and Israel. Conversely, China emerges as the primary supplier to Pakistan, with a staggering 61% of its exports directed to Islamabad, followed by 11% to Bangladesh. China”s own arms imports have dwindled by 44%, particularly from Russia, largely due to its burgeoning defense-industrial complex, which heavily leans on “reverse-engineering” practices.
Despite ranking as the fourth largest military spender globally, following the US, China, and Russia, India faces challenges in boosting its defense capabilities. While the government has initiated essential measures to bolster “atmanirbharta” (self-reliance) in defense production, a lot of work needs to be done.
Evidently, the much-hyped strategic partnership (SP) model introduced in May 2017, aimed at enhancing indigenous defense production through collaborations with foreign defense giants for technology transfers, has yet to yield tangible outcomes. None of the envisioned Make in India projects have materialized under this framework, including the ambitious plans for manufacturing six new-generation diesel-electric submarines (estimated cost of Rs 43,000 crore), 111 armed twin-engine utility naval choppers (over Rs 21,000 crore), and 114 new 4.5-generation multi-role fighter aircraft (over Rs 1.25 lakh crore), among others. The SP policy requires a comprehensive overhaul, including a reassessment of pricing methodologies and the assurance of long-term orders.
Despite liberalising the defense sector for private enterprises in May 2001 and enhancing the foreign direct investment (FDI) limit to 74% through the automatic route and up to 100% through the government route in 2020, India has only managed to attract a meager Rs 5,077 crore in FDI for defense production.
Last week, Defense Minister Rajnath Singh spoke about reducing dependence on imported weapons and platforms, stressing that such reliance could jeopardize India”s strategic autonomy. He said that without self-reliance, India”s ability to make independent decisions on global matters aligned with its national interests could be severely compromised.